| ART.
        IV.—1. The Protestant Exiles of Zillerthal: translated from the German
        of Dr. Rheinwald. By J. B. Saunders. London: Hatchard. 1840.2. Persecution of the Lutheran Church in Prussia from 1831 to the
        present Time, compiled from German Publications: chiefly translated by
        J. D. Löwenberg. London: Hamilton and Adams. 1840.
[British Critic, vol. 28, July 1840.] {160} THE former of these
        little works is an account of the expatriation of certain Protestants
        from the Catholic Tyrol, and the latter of certain Protestants from
        Protestant Prussia. They are both addressed to "the Protestant public;"
        the former being intended to promote "a juster appreciation and
        improvement of our own privileges, civil and religious"—p. xi.; while
        the latter appeals to the Protestant Churches of Great Britain, in the
        confidence that they will, on the grounds of an enlightened humanity, "bind
        up the wounds" of "their Lutheran sister." The former is intended as an
        argument against the Pope; the latter carries it on in its application
        to Protestant monarchs. In this "keen encounter of wits," we feel
        obliged injustice to award the prize to the Liberal over the more
        Conservative writer. The compiler of the second volume certainly proves
        against the translator of the former, that persecution is no peculiar
        badge of Rome; besides that it is more preposterous to persecute for not
        abjuring than for abjuring a received faith, and more unnatural that
        Protestants should suffer from Protestants than from Catholics. Austria
        harasses those who desert their own faith as well as hers; Prussia those
        who will not desert her own faith as well as theirs. One further
        observation deserves attention; Prussia receives "the Protestant exiles
        of Zillerthal" into the very country (Silesia) from which she drives her
        own Lutherans. As to these Zillerdalers, their story, as contained
        in the friendly narrative before us, is us follows:—In the summer of
        1826 nine heads of families among them informed their respective priests
        of their intention to become Protestants, and expressed a wish to take
        the preliminary steps required by law for a change of religion. The Dean
        of Zell and other ecclesiastics met this demand with moderation and
        kindness; but elsewhere angry feelings showed themselves on both sides.
        The application, however, was refused, and the government confirmed the
        refusal. So matters stood till the beginning of 1832, by which time the
        numbers of Protestantizers had increased to 240. They then sent a
        deputation to the emperor, to petition for leave to organize a
        Protestant Church; and opposite petitions were presented by the
        Catholics, deprecating the introduction of religious division into a
        peaceful {161} region. The emperor's decision was received in the spring
        of 1834, and seems to have had it in view, as far as might be, to
        satisfy both parties; it prohibited the Protestants from introducing a
        schism into a united country, but allowed them to betake themselves to
        provinces of the empire where Protestant congregations already existed.
        Persecution even in a mitigated form is always invidious; but those who
        take up strong religious views should not be unwilling to suffer for
        them; and whatever is to be thought of the conduct of the imperial
        government, we must confess our opinion that the Zillerdalers had not so
        much cause to complain of it as our canons prebendaries of the penalty
        of præmunire, which lies against their rejection of a crown
        candidate for the episcopate. To lose goods and chattels, and to be
        outlawed, is somewhat worse than to be told to depart with bag and
        baggage to another part of the country. "To such a transportation,"
        however, as our narrator tells us, "the greater number showed no
        disposition. They had already directed their eyes to a foreign country,
        and accordingly in the summer of this year, some of them requested a
        passport."—p. 20. But they had not yet given up the hope of remaining
        at home; again they petitioned for toleration in the Tyrol; and nothing
        was done up to 1836. In the course of this year their bishop, the Prince
        Archbishop of Saltzberg, visited them. "His mild demeanour," we are
        told, "inspired them with confidence; but on their requesting his
        permission to attach themselves to the Protestant Church, he answered, 'That
        would be as if you wished to throw yourselves into the fire; to that I
        cannot consent.'"—p. 20. In the beginning of the following year they
        resolved on emigration, and received the imperial sanction for so doing. It was not in human nature but that during these
        years of agitation and suspense, much angry collision should go on
        between the hostile parties. Specimens of such disputes are given in Dr.
        Rheinwald's narrative; of these, some were unavoidable; in others, the
        blame at one time lay with the Catholics, at another with the
        Protestants. One of the greatest grievances of the latter was their
        inability to obtain the rite of matrimony. The Catholics of course could
        not be expected to administer it; and the government did not allow a
        merely civil contract except to such as were members of specific
        denominations, whose toleration was formally recognized. In consequence,
        "it cannot be denied," says our panegyrist, "that there were instances
        among the Protestants of children being born out of wedlock."—p. 63.
        Here again, we do not pronounce what was the State's duty; but
        looking at these Zillerdalers, we do think that persons engaged in so
        momentous and awful a step as changing their religion, might {162} have
        been expected, if in earnest, to suspend for the time any thought of
        marrying and giving in marriage." If we credit the account before us, individual
        priests and others behaved cruelly. One wished that Christ might enter
        the room, that he might say to Him, "See, these are the people, destroy
        them at once, by casting them into hell fire." When the leader of the
        dissenting party had recovered from a severe illness, the priest said to
        him, "Bartholomew, you look very ill, there is no great while longer for
        you." At another time "there was invective, mockery, &c. concerning
        the Protestant Church and its dogmas, interchanged with stories about
        the reformers, the preachers, their wives and children, and the like."—p.
        41. And, when they were on their journey, "at Iglau, they were granted
        no lodging in spite of the badness of the weather;" but it is candidly
        added, "such treatment was contrary to the will of the supreme
        authorities, nor was it repeated to those who came after."—p. 93. The
        government indeed was most anxious, and not unnaturally, to avoid the
        odium of a persecution, and as the most discerning of the seceders
        acknowledged, did only what "its circumstances and difficult position
        rendered unavoidable,"—p. 47; and though many acts occurred of the
        same character with the above, which may be fancied without our
        detailing them, yet these honest Protestants seem to have given as good
        as they took, and to have received as much kindness from some as
        opposition from others. Such is the celebrated case of the "exiles of
        Zillerthal," being in number about 600 persons; and now for its moral,
        which is not the least important part: "May we not hereby learn," says
        the translator, "the still unchanged spirit of intolerance and
        persecution of the Romish Church? The Austrian government seems even to
        have inclined to a lenient policy, and to give effect to its
        toleration-edicts; but there was an influence paramount to that of law
        and justice, and even the imperial will, and what was that but the dominancy
        of the priesthood?"—p. viii. It is plain, that unless the Church
        of Rome were involved in the history, we should never have heard a word
        from Mr. Saunders about the wrongs or the virtues of the Exiles of
        Zillerthal. The proof of this surmise is to be found in the
        little book which we have placed in connexion with his publication.
        Unless Mr. Saunders's object was not to reprobate persecution, but to
        cast a stone at Rome any how, why does he not hear the cries and groans
        of the Silesians, under persecution, longer, more grievous, and more
        unjust, which they have endured from that Protestant sovereign, who, in
        his narrative, only appears as the magnanimous patron of the oppressed?
        Any one would think, for all {163} Mr. Saunders tells us, that
        Calvinists or other reformed communities, never interfered with the
        religious opinions of others. We intend no personal reflections on a
        prince who since the date of these publications has been taken from the
        world, and whose early misfortunes claim a respectful memory. We speak
        of his policy towards his Lutheran subjects, mainly with the view of
        exposing that hollow political and party spirit among ourselves which
        can bitterly condemn in Roman Catholics what it passes over in a
        Protestant. Let us condemn it in both. We assure the Reformation
        Society, Protestant Association, and their partizans, that this not the
        spirit which will make progress against the church of Rome. Let us see what Fleidl, the Zillerdaler, addressed
        to the Prussian court: "To the most illustrious, most
        mighty king.—Most gracious king and lord, in my own name, and in the
        name of my companions in the faith, whose number amounts to about 430 to
        440, I venture a cry of distress on the magnanimity and grace of your
        majesty, as the august defender of the pure Gospel. With my whole soul I
        had desired to lay this prayer personally and orally before your
        majesty, yet I am content if permitted to do so only in writing. After
        more than a hundred years, another act of persecution and banishment has
        been repeated in our fatherland."      *     
        *      *     
        "Already once, Prussia gave to our persecuted forefathers a
        secure asylum; we too have placed all our trust in God and the good King
        of Prussia."    *      *     
        *    "We
        pray your Majesty to receive us paternally, that so we may live
        according to our faith. Our belief is grounded entirely on the
        doctrine of Holy Scripture and the Augsburg Confession."   
        *      *     
        * "May God reward your majesty for all
        the kindness which your majesty may show to us! Faithful, honest, and
        thankful will we remain in Prussia, and will not lay aside the good
        qualities of our Tyrolese nature. We shall only increase the number of
        your majesty's brave subjects, and stand in history as a lasting
        monument that misfortune, when it dwells near compassion, ceases to be
        misfortune; and that the Gospel, when obliged to fly from the Papacy,
        ever finds protection from the magnanimous King of Prussia."—Exiles
        of Zillerthal, pp. 73, 76. Now to change the scene, and turn to the rival
        volume, which thus opens: "In the summer of 1839, a company of
        interesting strangers, in the German costume, were observed to enter the
        port of Newcastle-on-Tyne. They stayed there but a few hours, and then
        proceeded to Liverpool, from whence they were intending to take shipping
        for North America. "Inquiry was made by the agents of
        the Bible Society as to their supply of the Holy Scriptures, and most
        satisfactory answers were elicited. Their deportment was very pleasing,
        but they appeared to have no letters of introduction to any parties in
        this country; and little could be learned of their history, excepting
        that they were Lutheran emigrants, proceeding {164} from
        the Prussian dominions to the wilds of America on account of severe
        persecution for conscience' sake in their native land. A week or two
        afterwards, another similar company arrived; and was followed by
        successive parties during the summer months, amounting altogether to
        about 640 individuals [Note 1]. "Public attention was roused, and
        more minute inquiry was made respecting their circumstances; for 'severe
        persecution for conscience sake,' in the present enlightened age,
        appeared a new and startling fact. These inquiries have been numerous
        and particular, and the result unravels a piteous tale of arbitrary
        and cruel oppression. "For 300 years past, the forefathers
        of these people have adhered to the creed laid down in the Confession
        of Augsburg, and have never materially deviated from it. It is well
        known that this creed not only received the sanction of the champions of
        our Protestant faith, Luther and Melancthon, but has also been
        incorporated with the laws of the German empire, and with various
        treaties of peace, and other privileges of the state. "For the last twenty years, the
        Prussian government has attempted to blend the two existing Protestant
        churches—the Reformed and the Lutheran—into one; and for the last
        seven, the most coercive measures have been used to effect this purpose.
        Heavy fines have been levied continually; and those who were
        unable to pay them, have been harshly thrown into prison, and
        allowed to lie there for months, and even years. Their clothing,
        furniture, cattle, agricultural implements, &c. have been sold,
        and the parties thus oppressed reduced to the lowest ebb of misery and
        want."    *     
        *      * "Close inquiry was made whether
        anything like disaffection to their government could have led to the
        course they were pursuing; but this was always met by the most clear and
        satisfactory replies. On one occasion, when this question was directed
        to a group of young men, apparently peasants, their colour rose
        indignantly; and, with an unanimous burst of loyalty, they exclaimed, 'Any
        one of us would lay down his life for our king.' "Even their oppressors cannot impugn
        their integrity, but are compelled to acknowledge their moral character
        unimpeachable. Various documents, respecting their sufferings and past
        history, have been received from Germany. These are too clear and
        circumstantial for any doubt to arise as to their veracity: they were
        printed on the continent, and have circulated there. "This persecution continues; and by
        the latest accounts, many pious Lutheran pastors are still in prison.
        Should the Prussian government refuse to relax its coercive measures, some
        thousands of these worthy but oppressed people are intending to follow
        their friends in the course of the coming year. Those who have
        already reached America are in very straitened circumstances, and it is
        feared will have to pass through many severe trials before their
        settlement can be formed. "Several letters on these subjects
        have been received at Newcastle, from Pastor Grabau, since his short
        visit to that town. This excellent minister has been twice
        imprisoned, for six months; and was only released {165}
        last spring, on account of apparently declining health."—Lutheran
        Church in Prussia, pp. vii-xii. Emigration to America, and a prison in the interim,
        looks like greater intolerance than rough words and looks, with the
        liberty of returning them, and at length a land journey of three weeks
        amid Protestant sermons, songs, and triumphal greetings. But let us
        descend to particulars. In the year 1817, when the Lutherans celebrated the
        third centenary of the Reformation, the King of Prussia had taken
        occasion to give effect to a project of which the foregoing extract
        speaks, and in which doubtless he thought he saw great advantages to the
        cause of Protestantism. However highly its advocates may be disposed to
        rate the blessings of that form of Christianity, one unfortunate blemish
        they have ever lamented in it, and that is its tendency to encourage
        disunion. Had it but a definite creed and worship, and strength enough
        to command the submission of its professors, it would be all that its
        warmest friends could desire; but even they must grant that it sanctions
        the principle of division, and encourages the spirit of change. Nor is
        there any remedy for this radical defect, but the authority of the
        State, which, by incorporating it into the structure of civil
        government, may infuse into it vigour, and, by the application of civil
        penalties, may force it into concord. The king of Prussia understood his
        mission as a Protestant prince, in relation to the differences of the
        followers of Luther and Calvin; and nothing was needed for the success
        of his benevolent intentions but that the said followers should
        understand it also. Unhappily they did not; and in consequence the
        Prussian government has but exchanged the old inconvenience of private
        judgment for the scandal of persecution. In furtherance of his plan the king had, as early
        as 1822, framed a liturgy, which he intended, in the first instance, for
        the Royal Chapel at Berlin. By degrees it was imposed upon other
        churches, towns, and villages; a part of the clergy voluntarily
        receiving it, and all henceforth being called on to subscribe to it, as
        a condition of their appointment to the pastoral charge. Next it was
        urged upon general reception through Prussia. A great opposition
        followed; and, among others, on the part of the celebrated Schliermacher.
        The magistracy of Berlin rejected it, and twelve clergy of Berlin. A
        second edition was prepared, and the majority of the clergy, including
        the twelve at Berlin, were gained in its favour. These advantages being
        secured, the great Lutheran festival in 1830 was chosen as the day for
        introducing it into all churches. Some of the clergy, however, still
        resisted, and were suspended. After a time others laid it aside, and
        were {166} dismissed from their posts. The liturgy was professedly in
        accordance with the Confession of Augsburg; but statements were
        published by the recusants in proof of its utter contrariety to that
        celebrated formula. The court, however, persisted; and in 1834 an edict
        was passed, prohibiting any religious meetings, except with
        express permission of the consistories; which consistories, having
        subscribed to the act of Union, did not grant permission to those
        Lutherans who had not adopted it, and thus all Lutheran divine
        service was rendered illegal. This illegality is no matter of words, but of
        deprivation, fine and imprisonment. By the year 1835 nineteen ministers
        had been either dismissed or imprisoned by the civil authorities for
        refusing to conform to the state religion. The congregations, following
        the example of their preachers, were also fined and imprisoned. The fine
        of twenty dollars was imposed for once attending the Lutheran service.
        The poor were imprisoned, and those who had any thing to lose were
        distrained upon to the amount of three or four times the fine levied.
        Farmers have lost their cattle and ploughs; mechanics and workmen were
        obliged to give up their tools; some persons were even stripped of their
        clothes. One of the leaders of a congregation of Militsch was imprisoned
        with a common thief. He was left for four days with no food but what the
        charity of his companion gave him from his own allowance. Another,
        called Sattler, who had been an officer in the army, was lined to the
        amount of seventy-nine dollars, and imprisoned for nine weeks. "When in prison they tried to make
        him retract, proposing to set him free, and remit the fine, if he would
        promise to hold Lutheran worship no more. They invited Sattler (who is
        an elder) to accept liberty on these terms, and told him he might return
        to prison again, if he found himself unable to fulfil them. This
        otherwise firm man allowed himself to be over-persuaded, and accepted
        this condition of liberty on the 26th of August; but he found neither
        comfort at home nor joy in prayer. The Lord gave him a great support in
        his truly Christian wife, who, with his children, was distressed that he
        had accepted liberty on such terms; and his conscience becoming burdened
        by the thought, that, as an elder, he at least ought to have remained
        firm to his confession, after a few days he was induced to revoke his
        promise, and voluntarily return to prison, and allow the distraint to
        proceed. "He and his family have since
        recovered their former cheerfulness; and when, on the 15th of September,
        the court again invited him to return home, on the same conditions as
        before—at least for the day when the bailiff was to distrain the
        goods—he firmly refused. On the 16th of September the distraint was
        effected; and for the eighty dollars fine, the bailiff took ten pigs,
        two capital milch cows, and a horse, which the bailiff valued,
        altogether, at seventy-nine dollars and three-quarters. On {167} Sunday,
        the 20th, the cattle were publicly sold at Guhre."—Luth. Church in
        Prussia, pp. 58, 59. At Juliusburg the police broke open the door of a
        Lutheran meeting, and dispersed the congregation, the members of it
        being visited by heavy fines. The fines in the village of Lutziene alone
        have been levied to the amount of 3000 dollars, and are imposed to the
        amount of 9000. "In Great Tschunkawe, the fines of
        ten individuals for having attended Lutheran worship amounted to 250
        dollars. One female paid her fine in cash, from the rest they took away
        pigs, geese, leather, shoes and boots, earthenware, clocks and watches. "At the public worship held in the
        beginning of September, the police took down the names of two hundred
        and forty persons, who were fined two dollars each. "In September the fines already
        amounted to 1400 dollars; which even Prince Hatzfeld assured Baron Von
        Koszutski would be remitted if he would promise to abstain from holding
        Lutheran worship. A poor old man, named Zoller, from Suhlau, was fined
        four dollars, for having, with his son, a youth of sixteen years of age,
        attended Lutheran worship; and being too poor to pay this fine, and
        nothing equivalent being found in his dwelling, they were both sent, on
        the Sabbath evening, to Militsch, where they were thrown into a dreary
        dungeon, and kept behind iron gates, secured with heavy locks, the son
        for two, the father for three days."—Lutheran Church in Prussia,
        pp. 59, 60. A child at Cattert, baptised by a Lutheran pastor,
        was carried off by the police to the state minister of Suplaw for
        re-baptism; another at Schwiebedawe was re-baptised at Militsch.
        Children, old enough for education, were taken away to the United
        schools, and if they had been confirmed by a Lutheran minister, the sum
        of five dollars a month imposed on the parents. The fines exacted from
        these poor people, since 1830, are said to amount to £10,000 sterling. The following outrage seems to have occurred in the
        end of 1834. "On Tuesday, at 12 o'clock at noon,
        a body of troops, consisting of four hundred infantry, thirty
        cuirassiers, and fifty hussars, advanced upon Hönigern, in Mikovski,
        (Silesia,) from their quarters, about a mile from that place. They were
        well received, and were astonished at finding a pious people; for they
        had been described to them as Polish rebels. Upon their march, when a
        short way from the church, the Major asked Weber Scholz, from Saabe, 'Is
        it true, as they have written from Berlin, that the people stand before
        the church with pikes and pitch-forks?' 'Oh, no!' was the answer, 'only
        with their hymn-books!' "On the first day the soldiers were
        friendly; and, in order that the people might not collect on the day
        following before the church, a report {168} was
        spread that the military were merely passing through on their route to
        Poland, the baggage waggons were also ordered to be loaded early on
        Wednesday morning. "At half-past four A.M.
        the next day, the whole of the troops marched up to Hönigern. Then the
        infantry surrounded the church on all sides; the hussars posted
        themselves on the east, the cuirassiers on the west, and thus the 200
        members of the community, who had watched their beloved church through
        the whole snowy winter night, were hemmed in. The cavalry blocked up the
        approaches, and drove away those that came near. "The President and the commanding
        Major then summoned them to leave the church, reminded them of the
        obedience due to the King, and warned them of the consequences of
        refusal. Reply was made, 'We stand here in defence of our faith, and
        ecclesiastical freedom.' Answer: 'We leave you your faith.' A
        Voice: 'But not the undisturbed confession of it.' The Major then
        gave them five minutes for consideration. The congregation sung. The
        Major summoned them again, and gave another five minutes. They continued
        to sing. He then summoned them for the third time, and ordered the
        soldiers to load their guns. Here a gun went off. The ball passed
        through the second window from the altar, and struck the northern side
        of the building. The hedges round the church were then broken down. The
        soldiers advanced in close ranks, and pushed away the people, and with
        the butt ends of their guns broke open the door and rushed in. This deed
        was done early in the morning, while it was yet dark. "The people fled without so much as
        raising a finger in opposition, and dispersed on all sides: but how were
        they terrified when they found they were not allowed to go home in
        peace, the cavalry turning upon them, and striking them with the flat
        sides of their swords—many of the blades breaking with the violence of
        the strokes! Some of the broken pieces are still preserved. "Several of the women received
        severe blows; the names of these are Schulz, Muller, &c. (others
        given in the original.) A child of twelve years, and an aged person of
        seventy, are mentioned among the sufferers. The first-named woman lost
        much blood from a cut in the head, so that it flowed through her straw
        bonnet. This happened at a distance from the church. Many fled, and took
        refuge in houses; but they were dragged from thence by the soldiers, one
        by the hair of his head; the police crying out, at the same time, 'The
        name of the King must be respected!' One woman was dragged from a
        stable, and beat so unmercifully, that she was confined to her bed for
        several days. Two other persons were rode down by the horses; and
        another was struck so severely, that he fell down senseless. "Eight persons were taken up and
        imprisoned; one named Charlotte Schlemmel, for saying, 'If our beloved
        King, for whom we have prayed so often, could see how ill we are
        treated, his heart would bleed.' Some other inconsiderate words escaped
        the sufferers; for instance, one who had formerly been a soldier, and
        whose wife had been severely beat, till she bled, exclaimed, 'I would
        know how to finish those gallant cuirassiers.' {169} This
        man was handcuffed and taken to prison. The attack lasted for two hours."—pp.
        28, 30. The troops proceeded to quarter themselves upon the
        people of the place, the major and his adjutant taking possession of the
        pastor's house, who lay ill at Breslau. The narrative continues, "The first day, the quartering of
        the soldiers upon the inhabitants was general and equal, except that
        eight individuals, who had joined the State Church, received none; but
        on the Wednesday, the most faithful of the Lutherans were burdened with
        the greatest number of soldiers. The deputy Hillman, who had been beat,
        carried to prison, and deprived of an ox, received fifteen men; the
        deputies, Litze, Berger, and Tabitz, twelve hussars; and Klunz, twenty
        of the infantry. "On Christmas-day there was church
        parade. The soldiers were ordered to provide themselves with their
        military hymn-books and cartridges. Hahn, the Counsellor of the
        Consistory, the Superintendent Kelsch, and Pastor Bauch, stood by the
        altar. The Superintendent handed to the latter the new agenda, or
        prayer-book. The Counsellor of the Consistory delivered an address from
        the altar, not on the birth of Christ, but to prove to the congregation
        that his Christian sentiments coincided with those of their dismissed
        pastor. Pastor Bauch explained in his sermon, that the community showed
        little love to him, and spoke evil of him, and yet he was innocent of
        their misfortunes, and only obeying the royal commands. The few members
        present wept. Not that they were touched by the sermon, but from
        affliction at being compelled to listen to the voice of a stranger,
        instead of to that of their dearly beloved pastor. What had induced them
        to attend the service? Surely not free will; for the soldiers had been
        ordered to persuade some one from every house to visit the church. A
        serjeant, who was quartered with twelve men in the house of Wenzel, a
        peasant at Eckersdorf, said to him, 'Dear host, go yourself, or send
        some one to church, otherwise you will have to pay dearly for it; for we
        do not march until there is order re-established in the attendance at
        church.' The country being a poor one, and this a year of unusual
        scarcity, the quartering was a pressing burden to the people. "The President went from place to
        place, accompanied by the Counsellor of the Consistory and the
        Counsellor of the Province, and declared 'The introduction of the New
        Agenda is the will and command of the King, and you are disobedient and
        refractory if you do not go to church.' It was continually laid before
        the people, that till they did this they would not get rid of the
        soldiers. The Counsellor of the Consistory constantly assured them,
        that, though the New Agenda was to be used in the church, yet they might
        remain Lutherans as before, and receive baptism and the Lord's-supper
        according to the old Lutheran forms, and that the sermon also might be
        Lutheran. But all these were but verbal assurances. No one can be
        surprised that with such persuasions, and under the heavy burdens
        occasioned by the quartering, most of those who had previously stood
        firm to the church of their fathers, and to {170}
        their beloved pastor, went to church, some on the second festival, and
        others on the Sunday following the festival. "Those who were frightened, to whom
        the most incredible things had become a sad reality, saw that attendance
        at the church was the only means of preventing these military devouring
        the whole of their scanty provisions. The following words were used to
        Squire Fogdt: 'You are a perjured man; for as a vassal you have sworn
        obedience to the King, and you are for the Old Agenda, though you are
        aware that the will of His Majesty is decisive for the New one.' The
        landlords were at length induced to go to church on the Sunday following
        the festival, and on Monday the military marched off, after a stay of
        six days. If they had not been instructed to
        compel the people to go to church by quartering the soldiers upon them,
        orders would have been given for their removal after the capture of the
        building. At the present time only a few individuals attend the service
        there, and fewer still receive the Lord's-supper. A still smaller number
        would do so, if a report had not been spread, that those who did not
        visit the church would have to pay the fifteen hundred dollars
        previously imposed on them. In addition to this, policemen have been
        stationed at Hönigern, to prevent those visits by which one might
        strengthen another in his faith. Under all these circumstances, but few
        stand firm; none, indeed, but those who, as Bible Christians,
        enlightened by the Spirit of God, have looked through the State Agenda
        and State Union, and would rather suffer the loss of all their property,
        than become members of such a church."—Lutheran Church in Prussia, pp.
        31-34. No wonder that, under such circumstances, the poor
        Silesians turned their thoughts, as did our friends the Zillerdalers
        about the same time, to emigration. The clergy in particular felt that
        even an unknown or barbarous soil would be better than the prisons into
        which a Protestant sovereign had thrown them. Of these, M. Krause was
        kept in close confinement for a year in Militsch, then for
        three-quarters of a year in the fortress of Erfurt. From this place he
        contrived to make his escape, and got off safe to: the United States.
        His congregation has since emigrated also, though after heavy fines to
        the amount of 5200 francs—a large sum in the case of a poor community.
        M. M. Grabau, of Erfurt, for speaking against the persecution from the
        pulpit, was suspended, and carried off to prison at Heiligenstadt. The
        following is the account of his journey:— "When it became dark, the extra mail
        by which Grabau was to be sent away, was driven into the court-yard of
        the mayoralty house. The pastor was then delivered to a sergeant, a
        commissary of the police, named Rochlitz, who loudly boasted of being a
        free-thinker. The latter first placed his dagger in the carriage, then
        the pastor was obliged to get in, and the commissary of the police took
        his seat beside him. In order {171} that no human
        eye might see the deed, the leather curtains of the carriage were
        buckled fast, though Grabau objected to this with the remark, 'wherefore
        was it done? he was no criminal.' "The people of Erfurt, who have
        spoken of this event, say that they remembered at the time the words of
        Holy Writ—'He that doeth evil hateth the light, neither cometh to the
        light, lest his deeds should be reproved.' "The burgomaster (mayor) had assured
        the wife of Grabau, that every attention should be paid to his comfort,
        and that he would not miss the things required. But this was not true.
        He was but partially covered with a light woollen blanket, and exposed
        to a draught, and the severe cold of a winter night. Pastor Grabau's
        usual health is but delicate, and he was only provided with a light
        cloth coat, single boots, common hat, and light cloak. The sergeant sat
        carelessly by his side. When Grabau prayed on the road, the free-thinker
        felt great anguish, as he afterwards confessed. "Grabau soon became dangerously ill;
        being seized with cramp in the stomach and violent sickness, so that the
        sergeant had serious apprehensions that his victim might die before he
        could be brought into the prison. In order to prevent this, he offered
        him some warm beer; but it was refused from such an evil-doer. On the
        second of March, a stay was made at Heiligenstadt. Here they intended to
        lock the pastor in a prison for criminals, the cell having scarcely half
        a window, barred up with iron rails; but he protested against this, and
        was afterwards brought into another apartment, of larger size, but damp,
        and containing a bed too dirty and disgusting to be used. Here he was
        obliged to do as well as he could. His food consisted of the same soup,
        both at dinner and supper, as was given to the criminals, and was
        consequently but ill suited to his weakly constitution. "These were therefore the comforts
        which the burgomaster had promised to the wife of the pastor! It must
        also be remarked, in addition to the above, that he was not allowed to
        be alone, but a coarse felon was locked up with him, who chiefly spent
        his time in drinking and swearing. When the pastor endeavoured to
        impress him with the wickedness of such conduct, he one evening
        attempted to give him a severe beating. After some time, however, he
        left off swearing. Upon his return home, Rochlitz, the commissary of
        police, spoke publicly, and with malicious joy, of the miserable place
        in which he had left Grabau. This news spread quickly through the whole
        town, and induced Grabau's wife to reproach the burgomaster. The latter
        replied, 'this is not the case, your husband, is treated like a
        gentleman.' In a letter to Erfurt, Grabau described his situation. As
        this letter had to pass through the criminal courts at Heiligenstadt, it
        was opened and read, and the contents were written upon the outside. The
        letter was then sealed, and sent to the government at Erfurt, which
        instead of removing the evil, sent the letter back to the prison of
        Grabau. Thus they wished to suppress the publication of their barbarous
        cruelty."—Lutheran Church in Prussia, pp. 75-78. {172} It is difficult from the documents before us to
        trace the line of his history after this; but the following is his
        general statement of his sufferings. He has since passed through
        Liverpool en route for America. "On the 10th of June, I left the
        prison at Heiligenstadt, in the Prussian province of Eichsfeld, by way
        of Magdeburg to Hamburg, accompanied by a gens d'arme. Since the 1st of
        March, 1837, I have spent above eight months in prison; then ten months
        as a fugitive, pursued day and night by gens d'armes; and then again
        nine months in prison. During the last month, my imprisonment was
        rendered in some measure more tolerable, in consequence of my illness."—Lutheran
        Church in Prussia, p. 17. In an account of the persecution written by M.
        Ernst in 1837, we are told that "the pastors Kellner, Berger, Gessner,
        and Bichler, were still in prison : Kellner since October, 1834; and
        Guerike in Halle under town arrest." Lasius of Berlin has since 1837
        been thrown into prison and has been in want. Laymen and women have
        suffered in like manner, if influential persons. The countess Henkel of
        Donnersmark and two noble ladies of Lobeck were condemned as rebels to a
        fort for one year. Gerkendorf, a non-commissioned officer, was
        imprisoned on Palm-Sunday, 1837, because be could not conscientiously
        attend the garrison church parades." But the most detailed account of
        lay persecution given us, in the small volume under review, is that
        relative to the Baron von Koszutski, who opened his own house for
        Lutheran worship after the neighbouring churches had been closed against
        it. He is a young nobleman, originally a Roman Catholic, who united
        himself to the Lutherans at a time when the persecution had already
        commenced against them. The account is also interesting as letting us
        into the view taken of the whole affair by his persecutors. "Death deprived him of his wife
        after they had been married but a short time, and from that period he
        occupied himself with the management of his estates, and the education
        of his infant daughter, with whom he lived in retirement. Family worship
        was regularly held in his house, and conducted by Gessner, then a
        candidate, and now pastor of the Lutheran community, in the circle of
        Lowenberg, where his labours have been greatly blessed. But the
        authorities were not long before they began to regard these proceedings
        with suspicious eyes; and, believing that the hated flame of Lutheranism
        was chiefly fanned by the presence of Gessner, his further residence
        with Baron von Koszutski was forbidden by the Council of the circle of
        Militsch. "Pastor Krause was afterwards
        invited by Von Koszutski, and domestic worship continued; but the police
        were sent as spies, and in many instances disturbed the proceedings. In
        February, 1835, Von {173} Koszutski was fined ten
        dollars; then again, for worship held in his house on the 8th of March,
        twenty dollars. "Pastor Biehler, having been invited
        to Kaulwitz, went thither, and, on the 20th of March, administered the
        Lord's-supper to thirty-one communicants. This religious festival was
        discovered; and the fines levied upon Von Koszutski in consequence
        amounted to sixty dollars, and the others present were fined the same
        sum. A policeman was quartered in Pastor Biehler's house to keep
        constant guard over him; and as the government considered Von Koszutski
        to be the main support of the Lutherans in that district, their
        attention was naturally directed toward him. "A certain part of the castle at
        Great Tschunkawe had been set apart for public worship, and service was
        performed in a regular manner according to the Wittenburg Agenda;
        sermons were also preached, and the Lord's-supper was administered. This
        was generally at a very early hour in the morning, or late at night, on
        account of the spies; yet the number attending these services was so
        great, that pastor Krause was, on some Sundays, occupied for eight hours
        successively. On the 6th of June, pastor Krause received notice that he
        might expect to be severely fined if he persisted in conducting worship
        at Baron von Koszutski's, and on Sunday, the 19th of July, he was
        accordingly arrested at the conclusion of the service, and taken as a
        prisoner to Militsch, where he was quartered at an hotel under the guard
        of a patrol. Von Koszutski was then absent from Great Tschunkawe, having
        gone to Karlsbad, in Bohemia, for the re-establishment of his health.
        While there, he received a rescript from the Royal Government at
        Breslau, dated June 5th, which stipulated that he should no longer hold
        Lutheran church service in his house; and threatening him, in case he
        would not agree to this demand, with the loss of his liberty. If he
        would not promise to obey this order, a policeman was to be quartered
        upon him, at his expense, to watch his movements, and send back all who
        repaired thither for worship. In reply, Von Koszutski stated, that
        conscientiously adhering to the word of God, he could not obey the
        government in this matter, but would submit to their impositions, in
        humble subjection to God's will. On July 25th, be returned to Great
        Tschunkawe; and on the following day (Sunday), just as service was
        concluded with his fellow-believers, two policemen appeared from
        Militsch, and summoned Von Koszutski to follow them to town. He was in
        too weak a state to do so just then, but gave them his word of honour
        that he would appear before the Council on Monday, the 27th. Though
        expecting his physician that day, a policeman appeared, and he was
        obliged to follow him, and prepare for his imprisonment. All his rooms were
        sealed up, except two, one belonging to his little girl, the other
        to her governess [Note 2],
        and he was himself quartered at the hotel at Militsch, under the
        surveillance of {174} a policeman, at his own
        expense."—Lutheran Church in Prussia, pp. 36-38. Here he remained some time, till he fell into a
        serious illness; upon this he was allowed to take private lodgings, "but no one was allowed to visit him
        besides his little daughter Clara. Her governess was not allowed to
        accompany her. The fines levied upon him, on account of worship,
        amounted to three hundred dollars; but it was intimated to him, that he
        would immediately be set at liberty, if he would promise to hold no more
        religious assemblies. Truly, no small temptation! But Von Koszutski
        remained firm; and when he was afterwards again pressed to accept this
        offer, and even told that his fines would be remitted, and that he would
        be allowed to have family worship, if none but his own household were
        present, and also that duty to his king called for his submission, Von
        Koszutski refused to accept his liberty on such terms, saying that it
        was his highest duty to obey the King of kings, and asking, how he could
        receive the sacrament without a church communion. In the meantime Von
        Koszutski did not neglect to petition the royal government at Breslau,
        for the redress of his grievances, according to legal forms. In the
        first of these petitions, dated the 4th of August, he says, 'must not
        the body as well as the mind suffer, under such treatment: I have a
        beloved child, my greatest joy on earth, whose education is dear to my
        heart; I am informed this child is not to visit me with her governess;
        what a prospect for the future!'    *     
        *      * "'I am, besides, the proprietor and
        manager of two extensive farms; no plans have been laid down for the
        future—I do not even know in what state the different branches of
        rural economy are, as I was not allowed time to review them. The law of
        our land honours conscience; and to compel men to violate it, is nothing
        less than to force them to commit moral suicide. The practice of
        Lutheran worship is, besides, confirmed by the treaty and peace of
        Westphalia; therefore, however ignorant government may appear to be of
        it, no pen can be used to dictate these persecutions, but conscience
        will whisper to the writer, 'what thou doest is contrary to law.' But
        setting aside the earlier guarantees for religious liberty (which seem
        now to be mere formalities in the most civilized state of Europe), how
        can the measures employed against me be justified by the royal commands,
        which, indeed, prescribed fines for holding Lutheran Church service, and
        in consonance with which edict, I have already been fined more than
        three hundred dollars, and the country will shortly behold the
        tragic-comic spectacle of the sale of my best cattle: but have the
        scaling up of my rooms and my imprisonment been also prescribed by the
        king? the imprisonment of an invalid—of a father—of a landed
        proprietor, who ought to see that order and discipline are maintained?
        It has been reported, that I am to be tried for rebellion; but I can
        only take this for idle talk, as a child may see that holding prohibited
        religious worship cannot be identified with such assemblies as meet to
        oppose themselves to the commands of government.'   
        *      *     
        *    'Surely
        when his majesty visits the province, it will be no joy to his heart to
        hear that the prisons in Silesia arc filled with Christians, persecuted
        on {175} account of their faith. The monarchs of
        Spain were shown such prisoners by the inquisitors, but our sovereign is
        no Spanish king of the times of the inquisition! I trust that the
        government, after conscientious and calm consideration of the
        above-mentioned reasons, will grant my humble request: viz., that I may
        be liberated from prison, and that an order may be given for my rooms to
        be unsealed; and I only add, that if this should not be done, my grief
        and bodily weakness may cause my death."—Lutheran Church in Prussia,
        pp. 42-46. The reply made to this petition on the part of the
        government, is well worthy of the attention of all who may be disposed
        to accuse the Austrian government of intolerance, for deciding that the
        Zillerdalers should not disturb with religious feuds a hitherto quiet
        district. "In reply to your representation of
        the 4th inst. we can only say that we find, with deep regret, that the
        essence of your faith, and the dictates of your conscience, rest in
        forms; by the observance or non-observance of which, you, and your
        fellow-sectarians, separate yourselves from the rest of evangelical
        Christians: for a doctrinal change has never been intended by the
        government; on the contrary, the state never wished to limit either your
        liberty of conscience, or that of any other individual. Domestic
        worship, therefore, in any form whatever, has never been prohibited. It
        may be seen, then, that the conscience of each individual is free, but
        that the state will not tolerate assemblies which exceed the domestic
        circle, and that there is no violation of liberty of conscience, in the
        prohibition of such assemblies, as might be self-evident to you, and any
        impartial judge; nay, in fact, to every one having the smallest idea of
        the constitution of a state."—Luth. Ch. in Prussia, 46. To this the Baron gave the very obvious answer, "The
        sacraments of the Lord's Supper and Baptism do not come within the
        compass of domestic worship, and are therefore not included in that
        liberty of conscience which the state allows." p. 48. How the affair
        terminated does not appear from the narrative: Von Koszutski remained in
        confinement for some months; and a letter from Germany, of the year
        1838, speaks of his wishing to emigrate. By the year 1837, the King had forbidden all public
        transactions with the Lutherans, and withdrawing their cause from the
        courts of justice, had made it over entirely to the police. It may
        be asked what the effect of these vigorous measures has been on the
        community? It is pleasing to find that they have greatly increased the
        number of devoted Lutherans. A great many of those who had conformed to
        the state church have returned to them. Communities have been formed in
        Pomerania, Posen, Magdeburg, Halle, and Berlin; the members of which
        some years ago amounted to the number of 20,000. {176} We have already noticed, that some of these poor
        people have escaped to North America; others have betaken themselves to
        Australia. Klavel, one of the exiled preachers, thus writes from
        Adelaide, in the latter country. "Here, in Australia, no one scoff's
        at us hitherto. It seems almost as if Prussia—on which the Lord has
        shed such a bright light—contained the largest number of scoffers.
        This we have sufficiently experienced. The most illiterate individual in
        the towns and villages of that country, if he can do nothing else, can
        violently blaspheme the word of God." *     
            *         
        *         
        * "But such a scorner is a most
        pitiable individual; and I can explain to myself the cause of his
        mockery somewhat in the following manner. Supposing such a person to
        stumble upon one whom he regards as devout, he may perhaps feel his
        conscience affected by the Spirit of God, and think within himself, Such
        an one ought I to be. Now, the louder the monitor speaks to his soul,
        and the less inclined he is to obey it, the more strongly and strikingly
        is the picture of his own wickedness, in comparison of the pious man
        placed before him; and where repentance does not result from it, the
        basest mockery is manifested. How often have I experienced such
        treatment in my native land, and the town where I last resided; although
        I never took any notice of it, and have often been astonished at the
        existence of such degeneracy. May the Lord forgive these scoffers! Our
        only object in mentioning them here is, that if this should meet the eye
        of such an one, he may perceive that his conduct does not appear to be
        very magnanimous. Thank God! the savages are not such degraded
        characters, and probably scarcely know that it is possible to be so
        depraved, although they are certainly in a very pitiable and neglected
        state. Boast, if you will, of having driven the Lutheran church fourteen
        thousand miles across the sea! a voyage of this length is certainly
        preferable to living in such society."—Luth. Ch. in Prussia,
        134. Having brought our confessors to a land of rest, we
        conclude: in doing so, we cannot help avowing that we much prefer the
        Silesians to the Zillerdalers, and the hierarchy of Saltzburg to the
        anti-catholic government of Prussia. Top | Contents
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 Notes1. 400 more passed through England at the same
        time, by way of Hull.Return to text
 2.
        "The same measures were taken at Schwiebedawe, Von Koszutski's other
        estate, where, however, in compliance with the urgent request of the
        magistrate, his sitting room and a small room in the upper story, were
        left open for his daughter and her governess."Return to text
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 Newman Reader  Works of John Henry NewmanCopyright © 2007 by The National Institute for Newman Studies. All rights reserved.
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